Although medieval Dartford’s fortunes were largely bound-up with agriculture, trade and commerce, there were a few minor developments of an industrial nature in what is often thought to be a pre-industrial age.
After the Norman Conquest, simple machinery was developed to take the drudgery out of back-breaking repetitive tasks. Dartford’s fulling mill is a good example of this kind of development. The extractive industries also became important in providing raw materials for the building trades and for the improvement of land. Milling, fulling, lime burning, tile making, chalk mining, and possibly tanning, were represented in medieval Dartford.
MILLING
Of all the machines in use, the mill was the most widespread. It turned wind or water power into cost-effective energy for grinding flour, tanning leather, processing cloth and a variety of other tasks. The mills played an important economic role in medieval society. Although the initial investment in mill machinery and plant was expensive, the long-term return in profits was excellent. It is not therefore surprising to find that important institutions such as the Church and the Knights Templars owned mills on the River Darent either in or close to the town. The River Darent provided a constant and reliable flow of water ideal for driving rudimentary mill machinery.
Early records show that there were a number of mills in medieval Dartford. The earliest reference to a mill is in Domesday Book which interestingly implies that there had been a much earlier mill in Saxon Dartford.
In 1221, William, prior of Rochester, granted to Alan Martel, prior of the Knights Templars, half an acre of land in Dartford lying by the stream which flowed down from the mill south of Holy Trinity church which the Templars owned. This was probably the mill, which King John granted in 1217 to Michael de Wallensi. At this time the mill was valued at 100 shillings a year. By 1253, the mill belonged to the bishop of Rochester. In 1299 the mill was known as Orchard’s Mill and was privately owned.
A flour mill and corn mill were also located on the River Darent, based in the manor of Portbridge or Bignores (close to modern-day Powdermill Lane). These mills were later owned and leased by the prioress of Dartford.
FULLING MILL
From the twelfth century onwards, wool was the staple industry of England. The production of good-quality woollen cloth for the home market began to expand in the fourteenth century. The home-based woollen industry was made possible, at least in part, by the introduction of water-powered fulling stocks. Fulling was a vital process in the production of cloth, converting a relatively loosely-woven fabric into a close-knit one, by soaking it in fresh clean water and fuller’s earth, and then pounding it by foot (rather like treading grapes). Fulling stocks, heavy wooden hammers driven by water wheels, achieved the same result with less labour and greater efficiency.
During the reign of Henry VII (1485-1509) a fulling mill was constructed on the River Darent at the foot of what is now East Hill close to the town centre. The fulling mill was used for the thickening and cleaning of cloth. The woven cloth was first washed with potash. Potash was similarly used for woollen cloths, but fuller’s earth or pig’s dung and stale urine continued to be widely used as a more economical alternative.
Woollen cloth was fulled to thicken it and give it a firm structure. Heavy hammers were raised and allowed to fall on the cloth bundled in a large trough below. The heavy oak hammers pounded and softened the cloth; they were so shaped that each time the cloth was pounded it rotated a little to ensure uniform action and to prevent damage.
After fulling the cloth was dried on tenter-frames. At Dartford, the field adjacent to the fulling mill was known as Tenter’s Field. This was where the large tenting frames used for stretching and drying cloth were sited. The tenting frames consisted of upright wooden posts with a fixed upper rail and a lower rail whose position was adjusted by pegs or wedges. Both rails were fitted every two or three inches with tenter-hooks, L-shaped double-pointed nails. The hooks in the top rail pointed upwards and those in the bottom rail downwards. The wet cloth was hooked by its edges to both rails and the lower rail adjusted to draw the cloth tight and of even width.
LIME BURNING
Lime (calcium oxide) was used for the manufacture of mortar and also as a fertiliser. It was discovered in medieval times that lime improved soil structure and neutralised excessive soil acidity, leading to increased crop yields. For lime-burning, only broken chalk was required; this was usually quarried right next to the lime-kiln site.
Lime was obtained by burning chalk in a specially constructed lime-kiln. Most medieval lime-kilns were 10 or 12 feet in diameter, walled round to three or four feet high, with draught tunnels at the base. Inside the kiln a fire of brushwood was made and broken chalk added to alternate layers with the fuel to the top of the wall, and this was continued up to make a heaped top. The whole was covered with slabs of turf and left to burn for a week or two.
By the thirteenth century, lime-kilns were being built with a tapering bowl-shaped interior with one or two wind tunnels set into the base. Wood was the main fuel used in lime kilns, but was gradually replaced by coal after c.1500. The earliest written reference to this industrial activity at Dartford dates from 1445. It is likely that in early medieval times, Dartford’s lime kiln existed to supply the building trade.
A lease drawn-up by the churchwardens of Dartford in 1445 granted permission to John Grey and John Vynor of Dartford to build a new lime-kiln at Lurching-hole on Chalkdale (currently the site of West Hill Hospital). The new kiln would be of sufficient capacity to produce eight quarters of lime at one firing. The initial lease was for four years, but lime-burning continued on this site for another three centuries. Lime burning generated unpleasant fumes and smoke. This explains why many lime kilns like the one at Dartford were sited well away from the town centre.
LOAM PITS
Dartford’s loam pits were sited just off the road between Lowfield Street and Wilmington. Dunkin, Dartford’s nineteenth century historian, reports that in ancient times when most of the houses in Dartford were constructed of timber framework and covered with plaster, the inhabitants were allowed the valuable privilege of digging loam in the loam pits freely. Two acres of land had been given to the parish for this purpose as early as 1344 by Richard Sone of Dartford. Loam deposits were useful for the manufacture of bricks, tiles, mortar and plaster.
CHALK MINING
The area around Dartford is characterised by man-made structures known as Deneholes. These features consist of a well-like shaft dug through the strata into the chalk. Deneholes were dug in medieval times as a means of extracting good-quality chalk, which could be spread on local farmland to improve the quality of the soil. This process of fertilising soil was known as far back as Roman times. Chalk was also used for building purposes.
The shaft of thedenehole had foot and hand-holds cut into it to enable descent and ascent by the medieval chalk miners. On reaching the chalk, the miners excavated up to six chambers radiating from the bottom of the shaft. Picks, shovels, baskets and ropes were the only tools available to these early miners. Deneholes with shafts up to 70 feet deep have been found in the Joyden’s Wood area, in Darenth Woods, and elsewhere. They are unique to North Kent and South Essex. Archaeological investigation has revealed that some of these shafts and chambers were excavated as early as the late twelfth or early thirteenth centuries.
Certain industries that were small at the outset of the Middle Ages grew to be quite large in scale, and this growth influenced changes in the organization of work. The most important of these was the wool-cloth industry.
For reasons of cost and availability, wool was the basic clothing material in western Europe until the beginning of modern times. Linen and silk were too costly for any large-scale use, and cotton was grown only in small volumes. The production of cloth from wool involved several time-consuming steps: cleaning and carding (straightening curled and knotted fibres sheared from the sheep), spinning the fibres into thread, weaving the thread into cloth, shearing off knots and roughness, and dyeing. All these processes could be carried on within a single peasant household, for they required only simple apparatus and rudimentary skills. Typically, children carded the wool, women operated the spinning wheel, and men worked the loom shuttles.
The cloth produced by such crude tools and relatively unskilled workers was rough but serviceable. Those above the peasant class, however, desired the more comfortable and attractive clothing that was produced by skilled craftsmen. The resulting demand for better textiles caused the industry to outgrow the peasant household means of production. A new organization of work, called the putting-out system, was instituted in which a merchant clothier bought raw wool, “put it out” to be carded, spun, and woven into cloth, and then carried the cloth through the finishing processes with the help of skilled craftsmen. Because the spinners and weavers remained peasants, they also earned part of their living from the plots on which their cottages stood, meaning that agriculture and industry were pursued as something of an integrated enterprise. The man could work in the field while his wife spun, and in winter the man helped with textile production. At harvest time every hand was out in the fields, leaving the spinning wheels and looms temporarily idle.
The putting-out system differed from peasant household production in that the merchant clothier, or entrepreneur, bought the raw wool and owned the product through all stages of its preparation (the cottage workers still owned their own spinning wheels, looms, and other tools). Thus, the peasant farmer came to work on materials that did not belong to him. On the other hand, the work was performed at home (known as the cottage system or domestic system) rather than in a factory, and work proceeded at the worker’s pace. The merchant simply organized the work by arranging the order and sequence of the various technical processes—he did not supervise the workers’ actual performance. Nevertheless, the merchant clothier who began putting out cloth came to control the entire production process. This represented a step toward the industrial capitalism that emerged in the 19th century.
Growth in the scale of commerce during the Middle Ages was coupled with advances in technology. Both these phenomena helped transform the nature of work. Of central importance were the applications of wind power and waterpower; these marked the beginning of the replacement of human labour by machine power. Starting in the late 10th century, waterwheels, long used for grinding grain, were applied to many industrial processes that included tanning, olive pressing, sawing wood, polishing armour, pulverizing stone, and operating blast-furnace bellows. The first horizontal-axle windmill appeared in western Europe in 1185, and within a short time windmills could be found from northern England to the Middle East.
The mechanization of the process of fulling (i.e., shrinking and thickening) of cloth illustrates ways that technology changed the nature of work. Up to the 13th century, fulling had been accomplished by trampling the cloth or beating it with a fuller’s bat. The fulling mill invented during the Middle Ages was a twofold innovation: first, two wooden hammers replaced human feet; and second, the hammers were raised and dropped by the power of a water mill. Only one man needed to keep the cloth moving properly in the trough, which was filled with water and fuller’s earth. The mechanization of fulling also caused the cloth industry to relocate along streams, often away from the established urban textile centres.
Perhaps the best example of specialization of labour in the Middle Ages is to be found in the large-scale metal-mining industry in central Europe, as described by the German scientist Georgius Agricola in De re metallica (1556), the leading textbook for miners and metallurgists for nearly two centuries. In addition to the Bergmeister (“master miner”), the chief mine administrator, there was a hierarchy of clerical and technical personnel and a series of craftsmen and mechanics specializing in different phases of the mining operation: miners, shovelers, windlass operators, carriers, sorters, washers, and smelters. The mines operated five days a week on a 24-hour basis, with the workday divided into three seven-hour shifts and the remaining three hours used for changing shifts. Animal power was used wherever possible, with teams of eight horses hitched in pairs to turn windlasses and raise buckets of ore or drain water from the mine. Agricola’s illustrations show many types of pumps for mine drainage: crank-operated, treadmill-operated, and waterpower-operated. There were also suction pumps of varying degrees of complexity. All were operated by specialized mechanics.
The bellows for mine ventilation were operated either by human and animal power or by waterpower. Other mining processes were less mechanized and were carried on much as they had been in antiquity. Ores brought to the surface were taken to a sorting table on which women, boys, and old men separated the pieces by hand, putting the good ores into wooden tubs to be carried to the furnaces for smelting.
Monumental construction
The mechanization that was changing the organization of work throughout the medieval period was little apparent in the construction of castles, cathedrals, and town walls. Technologies that involved in the lifting of weights, for instance, had made little progress during the Middle Ages, and, because the freemasons declined to handle large blocks of stone, the Romanesque and Gothic structures were built with smaller stone blocks, nevertheless achieving grandeur in scale. The organization of labour differed greatly from that employed in antiquity. These great monuments were built by free labourers such as carpenters, glaziers, roofers, bell founders, and many other craftsmen in addition to the stonemasons.
Much can be learned about the nature of medieval construction by studying the records of these projects as well as the monuments that were built. For a long time it was believed that medieval craftsmen, especially those engaged in the building of cathedrals, were humble, self-effacing artisans who laboured piously and anonymously for the glory of God and for their own salvation. Scholars have dispelled this myth. Medieval builders often left their names or signatures upon their work, and surviving records show names, wages, and occasionally protests over wages. There was a high degree of individualism. The artisans were by no means anonymous: historians have uncovered more than 25,000 names of those who worked on medieval churches. It has since been concluded that the medieval craftsmen were relatively free and unfettered when compared to their counterparts in antiquity.
Directing the guild craftsmen was the master mason, who functioned as architect, administrative official, building contractor, and technical supervisor. He designed the molds, or patterns, used to cut the stones for the intricate designs of doors, windows, arches, and vaults. He also designed the building itself, usually copying its elements from earlier structures upon which he had worked, either as a master or during his apprenticeship. He sketched his plans out on parchment. As administrator, he kept the accounts, hired and fired the workers, and was responsible for procurement of materials. As technical supervisor, he was constantly present to make spot decisions and plans. In the largest projects he was assisted by undermasters.
-- Edited by Simarillion on Sunday 13th of June 2010 11:15:14 AM
hmm, interesting (I had come across that dartford page in my travels)
I'm still struggling to find the line between commercial and industrial and would greatly appreciate your thoughts on how this division can be made, and how different the division might be in cities vs villages?
I already have some rough idea and will give it another thought, but I'm afraid it'll have to wait until tomorrow. Over here it's four in the morning and my bed is calling.
-- Edited by Simarillion on Sunday 13th of June 2010 11:39:17 AM
Some possible guidelines for Industry: First of all I'ld class as industry anything involving mills, furnaces, mining, quarries, arms-/blacksmithing, masonry, portual activites. Further I'ld add any type of production with more than a handfull of jobs.
Commercial should be markets, shops, food processing (baker, butcher,...), tailors,...
It might also be an idea to divide monasteries into three types: religion, education, commerce
Some monasteries were simply places were monks lived, others had schools and scriptoriums (copying of books) and still others were outright agricultural coops.